"Peace How?"

http://www.forward.com/articles/11737/

The article that i read discussed the possible outcomes of the international conference for peace between Israel and Palestine. The discussion involved two Arab experts, two Israeli experts, as well as the former advisor on Arab-Israeli negotiations to six U.S. secretaries of state. First, the thoughts of two Arab scholars: Khalil Shikaki (director of the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research in Ramallah) and Daoud Kuttab (founder and director if the Institute of Modern Media at Al Quds University in Ramallah). Mr. Shikaki says that without the ability for peace processes to progress in the near future it "will inflict considerable damage on Israeli Prime Minister, Ehud Olmert, on Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas, and on future prospects for peace and stability in the region." However, he and Kuttab are both pessimistic that the leaders of the groups can reach a permanent-status agreement. Shikaki says that "for Abbas to win majority support in a referendum on any agreement, a permanent deal must ensure return of 100% of the land occupied in 1967, Palestinian sovereignty over Muslim holy places in Jerusalem's Old City and a refugee solution based on U.N resolution 194-- conditions Olmert is incapable of agreeing to today." Kuttab echoes this statement and believes that the only way for an agreement to work is by having strong leaders "who are willing to risk their own reputation and political future to make it work." One thing that is perhaps agreed upon is that although a permanent-status accord may not be possible more general principles are at least a start.

Now for the Israeli and American sides propsed by: Ephraim Sneh (member of the Knesset from the Labor Party), Yossi Beilin (member of the Knesset and chairman of the Meretz-Yachad Party), and Aaron David Miller (former advisor to six secretaries of state on Arab-Israeli negotiations). Sneh believes that the November peace talks must be a success. "A failure would boost the Hamas quest for domination of the Palestinian territories and would be a devastating blow to the secular-minded, peace-oriented Palestinian leadership." He lays out two prerequisites for success. First, that an agreement on "general principles for a permanent-status accord" be made, and second "that conference participants issue a timetable for the negotiation of a detailed permanent-status accord." Sneh believes that two-thirds of both populations would support such an agreement, but that it is the remaining one-third of both sides that refuse any kind of compromise who are holding back a peaceful resolution. His solution: "a strong political will on both sides to use the majority that supports peace to impose it." Mr. Beilin';s concern is that Hamas must be controled in order for peace talks to even get underway, and believes that a cease-fire between Israel and Hamas must happen before November. He also emphasises that these talks should mirror the Madrid Conference of 1991, "that all countries willing to hold peace negotiations with Israel should be invited," and "that the outcome of the meeting will be an international directive for the parties to the conflict-- including Israel and Syria-- to launch bi-lateral negotiations." However, the concern continues to be that a general agreement is all that can be reached, and that a permanent- status agreement will be much harder to accomplish. Aaron David Miller sets out six criteria that must be met for the November peaces to be successful. The first is that time is of the essence, "If the two sides aren't in a hurry, there's usually not much chance of progress." Second, America must play a vital role in the time leading up to the conference. Third, President Bush "must make it unmistakably clear that he considers [these talks] to be top priority." Fourth, Arab states, such as Saudi Arabia, must be willing to take diplomacy seriously as well. Fifth, engage Syria in talks, if nothing else, to prevent them from provoking Hamas and Hezbollah. Finally, the conference must address the issue of who governs the Palestinians? Miller states clearly that " no isreali government would dare make substantial concessions on the big issues to a Palestinian partner who doesn't control all the guns and can't guarantee security."

No matter who you speak to it seems unanimous that although countries would like for the November conference to end in a permanent resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict no such end is truly in sight. There are too many factors that prevent peace in the Middle East. Although most Palestinian and Israeli populations may seek peace, other Arab nations will allow no such thing to happen. This is not just a conflict between two nations, but among many nations each with their own feelings on the matter. Personally, I do not ever see an honest, permanent, or peaceful resolution coming to the conflicts in this region. Hatred and religious differences are too deeply sown for either side to give up what they have worked so long to achieve. My personal feeling is that the area in dispute belongs and has always belonged to the Israelis and that the only fair resolution is that they be given back the land that is rightfully theirs. However, I know that this is easier said than done.